No soy muy amante de las etiquetas, la verdad. El 1.0 contra el 2.0. O esa fiebre por añadir lo segundo a cualquier cosa. Como si ya con la etiqueta fuera mejor. Creo que lo hemos sufrido. Las llamadas campañas políticas 2.0 no nos han dejado, en la mayor parte de los casos, unos mejores políticos. ¿Y los que vienen?
En horas, nos fijaremos en detalles importantes. ¿Qué futuro tendrá el Twitter de campaña de Mariano Rajoy? ¿Y el Facebook? ¿Y la transición de los canales oficiales de la Administración? Son, todas ellas, preguntas interesantes. Muestras de los nuevos tiempos. Pero lo importante es el fondo. Lo que queda tras el guión clásico y perfecto de la investidura que acabamos de ver.
«La pregunta que debemos responder es qué papel vamos a tener los ciudadanos«
Hace unas semanas pasé unas horas muy interesantes con varios alumnos de máster del IE. Me acerqué a reflexionar con ellos en una clase de su curso sobre las diferencias de la web 1.0 y la web 2.0 en la política. Otra vez las etiquetas. Fue un ejercicio estupendo. Porque en el fondo, por mucho que nos fijemos en las aplicaciones, en lo que se puede –y no se puede hacer con la web o con los canales- lo que importa es el motivo. El objetivo. El por qué.
Esa es la clave. Más allá de si Rajoy mantendrá su Twitter o su Facebook, la pregunta que debemos responder es qué papel vamos a tener los ciudadanos. Lo comentaba Francisco Polo en El País cuando hablaba de los “tecnoelectores”. Y no se cansa de repetirlo Antoni Gutiérrez-Rubí en obras tan importantes como “La política vigilada”. Lo revolucionario, a lo que no quiero poner etiquetas, es esa voluntad de no quedarnos de brazos cruzados de elección en elección.
«La Política sigue replegada en su lenguaje, en sus corrillos.»
“Lo llaman política 2.0 y no lo es”, titulaba hace unos meses en este artículo. Y ahí vamos a tener mucho que ver en los próximos años. Me encanta citar el concepto de conversación del célebre Cluetrain Manifesto. Me gusta porque aún no hemos llegado a esa conversación. Estamos en ello. Dependemos mucho de la voluntad de algunos notables casos. Pero la Política sigue replegada en su lenguaje, en sus corrillos.
Lo que le espera a Rajoy es algo más que recortes en las cuentas. Le espera una valoración más que diezmada de lo que es la política por parte de los ciudadanos. Le espera desconfianza en la democracia. No es tarea fácil.
No soy amante de las etiquetas. Por ello, no me atrevo a pedir una legislatura en clave 2.0. Pero sí me atrevo a pedirle al nuevo presidente y los nuevos diputados y senadores que aprovechen una nueva oportunidad –otra más… u otra menos, según se mire- para entender la política como algo que trasciende a los pasillos enmoquetados. Sería revolucionario. De verdad.
¿Podemos llamar a Mariano Rajoy presidente electo de España? Por mucho que las fórmulas norteamericanas nos parezcan más o menos atractivas, lo cierto es que, por el momento, Mariano Rajoy será uno de los 350 miembros del Congreso de los Diputados cuando tome posesión de su escaño.
Futuro presidente, presidente electo… pequeñas diferencias, casi imperceptibles en su significado para el ciudadano de a pie pero que, como toda palabra, no puede despegarse de sus importantes matices. Mariano Rajoy, como cualquiera de los presidentes de comunidades autónomas solo son elegidos presidentes por sus respectivas cámaras. La sesión de investidura les convierte el presidentes y lo son oficialmente desde el momento en que el BOE y los diarios oficiales de cada comunidad publican su nombramiento.
Eso es así porque, a diferencia de regimenes presidenciales como el de Estados Unidos, la ciudadanía no elige directamente a su presidente. Aunque en ese mismo país los ciudadanos eligen a un colegio electoral que nombrará al presidente, es una elección de un candidato u otro. Así, Barack Obama fue designado presidente electo desde la noche del 4 de noviembre hasta que juró el cargo en la escalinata del Capitolio en Washington D.C.
El término president-elect se usa de este modo, aunque no siempre ha sido así. Se solía designar al presidente de ese modo cuando el colegio electoral lo había elegido formalmente y hasta su toma de posesión, pero la práctica se impuso. En sistemas parlamentarios como el británico, por ejemplo, tampoco existe la denominación de primer ministro electo. Resulta forzado, ya que es el jefe del Estado quien lo designa. Así, Prime Minister-designate, Prime Minister-in-waiting o incoming Prime Minister son términos usados similares al lacónico “futuro presidente”.
Hasta su investidura, seguiremos escuchando ese efectivo apelativo. Es, precisamente, la naturaleza de nuestro sistema político la que nos lleva a tener cuidado con las etiquetas. Los trámites parlamentarios están para las duras y para las maduras.
Volveremos a ver momentos como este en el debate de esta noche. Volverán los datos, los recortes de periódico y los gráficos volverán a ser los floretes en este particular duelo. Los gráficos en un debate son de un gran valor: los datos, las ideas y las abstracciones, de golpe, se pueden tocar. Pero… ¿de dónde vienen esos datos?
El uso de gráficos en un debate tiene un porqué. También lo tiene el modo de presentarlos. Es fácil que un debate como el que viviremos esta noche se pierda en la inmensidad de cifras que no alcanzamos a comprender o imaginar. Por ello, la necesidad de representarlas y tocarlas exige su uso. Pero no solo eso: su uso debe ser compatible con la velocidad de la televisión y con los planos de televisión. Alguien desde casa debe identificar de un vistazo que lo que el candidato defiende, se comprueba en los gráficos.
Las opciones de fraude o de no representar fielmente la realidad están al alcance de los equipos de campaña. Un gráfico extremadamente generoso en la escala, la generalización de los datos o el amparo del poco tiempo en que un documento está en pantalla puede inducirnos a creer a pies juntillas lo que un candidato muestra. Especialmente porque creemos que esos gráficos son una prueba veraz. Pero… ¿y si no lo es? Por ello, el reto que creó Jesús Encinar en Actuable cobra una importancia especial.
Encinar pidió a los candidatos que se comprometieran a publicar en internet los gráficos que usaran en el debate. Puedes leer más sobre ello en este post de Actuable. Y ambos candidatos respondieron afirmativamente -y con mucha rapidez- a la propuesta del fundador de idealista.com. En sus canales de Twitter afirmaron que publicarían los gráficos que hoy usarán en el debate (Rajoy y Rubalcaba).
Es algo necesario. Sano. Vital. Los ciudadanos y ciudadanas debemos poder comprobar los datos. Conocer la fuente. Buscar los datos originales. Comparar. Nuestra democracia, que no está en sus mejores momentos, precisa de acciones como esta. Y ahí, el poder de la red es clave. Nos permite llegar a más información y contrastar -por mucho que algunos políticos sigan pensando que eso no pasa- y nos permite hacer llegar nuestras inquietudes a nuestros representantes. El caso de este victorioso reto, es una prueba.
“Una única historia crea estereotipos. Y el problema de los estereotipos no es que sean falsos, es que son incompletos.” ¡Qué razón tiene Chimamanda Adichie! Estamos rodeados de únicas historias. Son fáciles, cómodas. En un mundo complejo, la complejidad es costosa. Pero la reducción nos lleva a visiones incompletas. Y peligrosas.
Chimamanda Adichie es una escritora africana de éxito. Una mujer nigeriana que ha vivido en su piel como una única historia sobre África determina la visión que tiene la gente de ella sin apenas conocerla. “Mi compañera de habitación en la universidad norteamericana sentía pena por mi antes de conocerme”. ¿Cuántos ámbitos de nuestra vida están regidos por únicas historias que determinan la interpretación de lo que nos rodea? Demasiados.
La comunicación tiene mucho de eso. Intentar contar únicas historias, que sean fáciles de consumir y de digerir. De pasar realidades complejas, llenas de matices, de grises, por un colador chino para dejar una única historia sin impurezas. Agradable al paladar, pero sin explosión de sabores.
Adichie da en el clavo. No solo la única historia nos pone en guardia. No solo esa única historia nos predispone a entender, abrazar, denostar u odiar un concepto, un país, una idea, una persona; el orden de la historia también nos marca el camino.
Así, juntando el orden y la historia, podemos comprender la debilidad de muchos argumentos. Podemos entender porque hay sacrificios que se hacen sin chistar y otros que encienden la indignación popular. Porque aceptamos, sin más, nuevo lenguaje como “copago”. O porque los discursos xenófobos sobre la inmigración, como el que representa el Partido Popular con Albiol a la cabeza, son aceptados con un espeso silencio.
No hay nunca una única historia. Y tenerlas todas, como dice Adichie, sería el paraíso.
No es solo una crisis económica. Estamos viviendo una crisis mucho más profunda. Lo demuestra el hecho de que la confianza en las instituciones políticas, los medios de comunicación o el sistema financiero, cotice a la baja. Es una crisis muy profunda. Buscamos una salida. Especialmente con lo nuevo.
Los valientes, emprenden. Algunos alcanzan el éxito pese a la maldita crisis. Y no hablo solo de negocios. Hablo de aquellos que no se quedan de brazos cruzados y buscan una vía alternativa para solucionar aquello que les rodea y que no les gusta. Hablo de las personas –muchas- que quieren cambiar el mundo. Hablo de Actuable, de Change.org. Hablo de la gente que no se queda quieta y que pide cambio.
Actuable tiene historias en su haber de cambios conseguidos por la unión de miles de personas. No sé si el lazo será débil o fuerte, por citar a Gladwell, pero la realidad es que cuando miles de personas se unen para defender una causa justa, el cambio llega a barrios, ciudades y países. Que se lo digan a Antonio. Que se lo digan a Alicia.
Hace pocas semanas, durante el primer aniversario de Actuable, Francisco Polo anunció la unión con Change.org. La suma de dos plataformas de activismo online punteras para crear la mayor plataforma del mundo. Change.org tendrá un papel fundamental en España para conseguir cambios y luchar contra las injusticias.
Tengo el honor de ser el director de comunicación para España de Change.org. Trabajar para hacer de la comunicación una palanca para el cambio social. Me entusiasma poder unir mis dos grandes pasiones, la política y la comunicación, en esta nueva etapa profesional. Trabajar para provocar cambios en cualquier lugar, en cualquier momento.
Parece que el tamaño importa. En las nubes de tags, sin ir más lejos, donde la repetición de un concepto hace crecer su cuerpo. Si una idea tiene más o menos peso según su tamaño, las prioridades del Partido Popular quedan claras: mucho empleo y poca educación.
La realidad es tan compleja que necesitamos representarla para entenderla. Por eso las infografías son tan útiles. Representan temas complejos de manera que podamos entenderlo observando, por ejemplo, un gráfico. La representación nos ayuda a comprender. Y no es un arte fácil. Para muestra, el vídeo de la reciente convención del Partido Popular en Málaga.
En apenas un minuto, 15 personas -5 hombres y 10 mujeres- sostienen 13 mensajes en unas cartulinas. Los 13 mensajes del Partido Popular en esta precampaña. Empleo, pensiones, educación, administración, vivienda, la clase política… los temas se suceden mientras esas 15 personas levantan sus carteles.
Un vídeo de estas características es lo más parecido a una infografía en movimiento. A querer poner carne y hueso a los grupos target a los que se dirige una campaña. Y a querer poner por escrito las propuestas que deben hacer la diferencia con los competidores.
Y ahí es donde volvemos al tamaño. Esa infografía en movimiento no da a todos los mensajes la misma importancia según el tamaño. Si identificamos lo grande como lo más importante, la prioridad del Partido Popular es el empleo -que tiene tres mensajes con carteles muy grandes- y lo menos importante, la educación o que los políticos no engañen, ambos con carteles pequeños. Si el tamaño importa, quedan claros los temas que importan -y los que no- para el Partido Popular.
Encendió la mecha y Youtube hizo el resto. Steve Jobs dirigió a los estudiantes de Stanford un sabio discurso que ha pasado de clic en clic a inspirar a millones de personas en todo el mundo. Sin ir más lejos, esta semana lo han visto más de 8 millones de personas tras la muerte del fundador de Apple.
«You’ve got to find what you love»
I am honored to be with you today at your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. I never graduated from college. Truth be told, this is the closest I’ve ever gotten to a college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my life. That’s it. No big deal. Just three stories.
The first story is about connecting the dots.
I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit. So why did I drop out?
It started before I was born. My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption. She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife. Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl. So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: «We have an unexpected baby boy; do you want him?» They said: «Of course.» My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school. She refused to sign the final adoption papers. She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.
And 17 years later I did go to college. But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-class parents’ savings were being spent on my college tuition. After six months, I couldn’t see the value in it. I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out. And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life. So I decided to drop out and trust that it would all work out OK. It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made. The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required classes that didn’t interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked interesting.
It wasn’t all romantic. I didn’t have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends’ rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5¢ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple. I loved it. And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on. Let me give you one example:
Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country. Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed. Because I had dropped out and didn’t have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a calligraphy class to learn how to do this. I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful, historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can’t capture, and I found it fascinating.
«You can’t connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards. So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future.»
None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life. But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me. And we designed it all into the Mac. It was the first computer with beautiful typography. If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts. And since Windows just copied the Mac, it’s likely that no personal computer would have them. If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy class, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do. Of course it was impossible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college. But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.
Again, you can’t connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards. So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future. You have to trust in something — your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever. This approach has never let me down, and it has made all the difference in my life.
My second story is about love and loss.
I was lucky — I found what I loved to do early in life. Woz and I started Apple in my parents garage when I was 20. We worked hard, and in 10 years Apple had grown from just the two of us in a garage into a $2 billion company with over 4000 employees. We had just released our finest creation — the Macintosh — a year earlier, and I had just turned 30. And then I got fired. How can you get fired from a company you started? Well, as Apple grew we hired someone who I thought was very talented to run the company with me, and for the first year or so things went well. But then our visions of the future began to diverge and eventually we had a falling out. When we did, our Board of Directors sided with him. So at 30 I was out. And very publicly out. What had been the focus of my entire adult life was gone, and it was devastating.
I really didn’t know what to do for a few months. I felt that I had let the previous generation of entrepreneurs down – that I had dropped the baton as it was being passed to me. I met with David Packard and Bob Noyce and tried to apologize for screwing up so badly. I was a very public failure, and I even thought about running away from the valley. But something slowly began to dawn on me — I still loved what I did. The turn of events at Apple had not changed that one bit. I had been rejected, but I was still in love. And so I decided to start over.
I didn’t see it then, but it turned out that getting fired from Apple was the best thing that could have ever happened to me. The heaviness of being successful was replaced by the lightness of being a beginner again, less sure about everything. It freed me to enter one of the most creative periods of my life.
«Sometimes life hits you in the head with a brick. Don’t lose faith.»
During the next five years, I started a company named NeXT, another company named Pixar, and fell in love with an amazing woman who would become my wife. Pixar went on to create the worlds first computer animated feature film, Toy Story, and is now the most successful animation studio in the world. In a remarkable turn of events, Apple bought NeXT, I returned to Apple, and the technology we developed at NeXT is at the heart of Apple’s current renaissance. And Laurene and I have a wonderful family together.
«I’m convinced that the only thing that kept me going was that I loved what I did. You’ve got to find what you love.»
I’m pretty sure none of this would have happened if I hadn’t been fired from Apple. It was awful tasting medicine, but I guess the patient needed it. Sometimes life hits you in the head with a brick. Don’t lose faith. I’m convinced that the only thing that kept me going was that I loved what I did. You’ve got to find what you love. And that is as true for your work as it is for your lovers. Your work is going to fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work. And the only way to do great work is to love what you do. If you haven’t found it yet, keep looking. Don’t settle. As with all matters of the heart, you’ll know when you find it. And, like any great relationship, it just gets better and better as the years roll on. So keep looking until you find it. Don’t settle.
My third story is about death.
Remembering that I’ll be dead soon is the most important tool I’ve ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life.
When I was 17, I read a quote that went something like: «If you live each day as if it was your last, someday you’ll most certainly be right.» It made an impression on me, and since then, for the past 33 years, I have looked in the mirror every morning and asked myself: «If today were the last day of my life, would I want to do what I am about to do today?» And whenever the answer has been «No» for too many days in a row, I know I need to change something.
Remembering that I’ll be dead soon is the most important tool I’ve ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life. Because almost everything — all external expectations, all pride, all fear of embarrassment or failure – these things just fall away in the face of death, leaving only what is truly important. Remembering that you are going to die is the best way I know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart.
About a year ago I was diagnosed with cancer. I had a scan at 7:30 in the morning, and it clearly showed a tumor on my pancreas. I didn’t even know what a pancreas was. The doctors told me this was almost certainly a type of cancer that is incurable, and that I should expect to live no longer than three to six months. My doctor advised me to go home and get my affairs in order, which is doctor’s code for prepare to die. It means to try to tell your kids everything you thought you’d have the next 10 years to tell them in just a few months. It means to make sure everything is buttoned up so that it will be as easy as possible for your family. It means to say your goodbyes.
I lived with that diagnosis all day. Later that evening I had a biopsy, where they stuck an endoscope down my throat, through my stomach and into my intestines, put a needle into my pancreas and got a few cells from the tumor. I was sedated, but my wife, who was there, told me that when they viewed the cells under a microscope the doctors started crying because it turned out to be a very rare form of pancreatic cancer that is curable with surgery. I had the surgery and I’m fine now.
«Death is very likely the single best invention of Life.»
This was the closest I’ve been to facing death, and I hope it’s the closest I get for a few more decades. Having lived through it, I can now say this to you with a bit more certainty than when death was a useful but purely intellectual concept:
No one wants to die. Even people who want to go to heaven don’t want to die to get there. And yet death is the destination we all share. No one has ever escaped it. And that is as it should be, because Death is very likely the single best invention of Life. It is Life’s change agent. It clears out the old to make way for the new. Right now the new is you, but someday not too long from now, you will gradually become the old and be cleared away. Sorry to be so dramatic, but it is quite true.
«Your time is limited, so don’t waste it living someone else’s life.»
Your time is limited, so don’t waste it living someone else’s life. Don’t be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other people’s thinking. Don’t let the noise of others’ opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to become. Everything else is secondary.
When I was young, there was an amazing publication called The Whole Earth Catalog, which was one of the bibles of my generation. It was created by a fellow named Stewart Brand not far from here in Menlo Park, and he brought it to life with his poetic touch. This was in the late 1960’s, before personal computers and desktop publishing, so it was all made with typewriters, scissors, and polaroid cameras. It was sort of like Google in paperback form, 35 years before Google came along: it was idealistic, and overflowing with neat tools and great notions.
«Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish.»
Stewart and his team put out several issues of The Whole Earth Catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. It was the mid-1970s, and I was your age. On the back cover of their final issue was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find yourself hitchhiking on if you were so adventurous. Beneath it were the words: «Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish.» It was their farewell message as they signed off. Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish. And I have always wished that for myself. And now, as you graduate to begin anew, I wish that for you.
A las 21:01 del 8 de agosto de 1974, Richard Nixon entraba en los hogares de millones de estadounidenses. Y el mundo entero observaba como cerraba un capítulo para abrir otro. Desde el Despacho Oval, anunciaba su dimisión. La primera de un presidente en la historia de Estados Unidos en 198 años de historia. Y la única hasta nuestros días. Mañana se cumplirán 37 años del inicio del juicio por el caso que llevó a Nixon a su particular caída del Olimpo.
«Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow»
This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office, where so many decisions have been made that shaped the history of this Nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matter that I believe affected the national interest.
In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.
In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.
But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served, and there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.
«I have never been a quitter»
I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interest of the Nation must always come before any personal considerations.
From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the Nation would require.
I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interest of America first. America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad.
To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.
Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.
As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes in the next 21/2 years. But in turning over direction of the Government to Vice President Ford, I know, as I told the Nation when I nominated him for that office 10 months ago, that the leadership of America will be in good hands.
In passing this office to the Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weight of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow and, therefore, of the understanding, the patience, the cooperation he will need from all Americans.
As he assumes that responsibility, he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this Nation, to put the bitterness and divisions of the recent past behind us, and to rediscover those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.
By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America.
I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my Judgments were wrong, and some were wrong, they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interest of the Nation.
To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, to many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I will be eternally grateful for your support.
«We have ended America’s longest war, but in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult.«
And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us, in the final analysis, have been concerned with the good of the country, however our judgments might differ.
So, let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans.
I shall leave this office with regret at not completing my term, but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for the past 51/2 years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of our Nation and the world. They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the Administration, the Congress, and the people.
But the challenges ahead are equally great, and they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress and the people working in cooperation with the new Administration.
We have ended America’s longest war, but in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult. We must complete a structure of peace so that it will be said of this generation, our generation of Americans, by the people of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented future wars.
We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United States and the People’s Republic of China.
We must now ensure that the one quarter of the world’s people who live in the People’s Republic of China will be and remain not our enemies but our friends.
In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends. We must continue to build on that friendship so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave.
Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the process of limiting nuclear arms. But we must set as our goal not just limiting but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons so that they cannot destroy civilization and so that the threat of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world and the people.
We have opened the new relation with the Soviet Union. We must continue to develop and expand that new relationship so that the two strongest nations of the world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation.
Around the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East, there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We must keep as our goal turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward in their children’s time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life.
Here in America, we are fortunate that most of our people have not only the blessings of liberty but also the means to live full and good and, by the world’s standards, even abundant lives. We must press on, however, toward a goal of not only more and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American and of what we are striving so hard right now to achieve, prosperity without inflation.
For more than a quarter of a century in public life I have shared in the turbulent history of this era. I have fought for what I believed in. I have tried to the best of my ability to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me.
«There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.»
Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, «whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.»
I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, a Vice President, and President, the cause of peace not just for America but among all nations, prosperity, justice, and opportunity for all of our people.
There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.
When I first took the oath of office as President 51/2 years ago, I made this sacred commitment, to «consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.»
I have done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war.
This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.
To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal sense of kinship with each and every American. In leaving it, I do so with this prayer: May God’s grace be with you in all the days ahead.»
Casi todo el mundo coincide: el mundo cambió el 11 de septiembre de 2001. Todo ha cambiado tras esos ataques. Lo hizo la política, la seguridad, la economía… y el lenguaje. El mandato de George W. Bush, estrenado apenas nueve meses antes, se vió profundamente marcado por los retos que suponía el terrorismo internacional.
La lucha contra el terrorismo fue la guerra contra el terror. Las reglas del juego cambiaron. Las alianzas fueron nuevas. Los argumentos, el lenguaje, la retórica… Todo tiene su origen en ese fatídico día de septiembre en que aviones civiles se convirtieron en mísiles.
En el décimo aniversario de los ataques, observamos las intervenciones de Bush durante ese día y los días posteriores al ataque. La retórica de los atentados tiene un peso determinante en el marco establecido. Las palabras del presidente Bush marcan el camino de la respuesta a esos ataques.
«Terrorism against our nation will not stand.»
Primera intervención de George W. Bush en la Emma Booker Elementary School , Florida (11 de septiembre de 2001)
Ladies and gentlemen, this is a difficult moment for America.
I, unfortunately, will be going back to Washington after my remarks. Secretary Rod Paige and [the] Lt. Governor will take the podium and discuss education. I do want to thank the folks here at — at Booker Elementary School for their hospitality.
Today, we’ve had a national tragedy. Two airplanes have crashed into the World Trade Center in an apparent terrorist attack on our country.
I have spoken to the Vice President, to the Governor of New York, to the Director of the FBI, and have ordered that the full resources of the federal government go to help the victims and their families, and — and to conduct a full-scale investigation to hunt down and to find those folks who committed this act.
Terrorism against our nation will not stand.
And now if you [would] join me in a moment of silence.
May God bless the victims, their families, and America.
Thank you very much.
«Freedom itself was attacked this morning by a faceless coward. And freedom will be defended.»
Segunda intervención de George W. Bush en la Base Aérea de Barksdale, (11 de septiembre de 2001)
Freedom itself was attacked this morning by a faceless coward. And freedom will be defended.
I want to reassure the American people that full — the full resources of the federal government are working to assist local authorities to save lives and to help the victims of these attacks. Make no mistake, the United States will hunt down and punish those responsible for these cowardly acts.
I’ve been in regular contact with the Vice President, Secretary of Defense, the national security team, and my cabinet. We have taken all appropriate — appropriate security precautions to protect the American people.
Our military at home and around the world is on high alert status. And we have taken the necessary security precautions to continue the functions of your government.
We have been in touch with leaders of Congress and with world leaders to assure them that we will do what is — whatever is necessary to protect America and Americans.
I ask the American people to join me in saying a «thanks» for all the folks who have been fighting hard to rescue our fellow citizens, and to join me in saying a prayer for the victims and their families.
«America has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time.»
Discurso a la Nación desde el Despacho Oval, Washington DC (11 de septiembre de 2001)
Good evening. Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts. The victims were in airplanes, or in their offices; secretaries, businessmen and women, military and federal workers; moms and dads, friends and neighbours. Thousands of lives were suddenly ended by evil, despicable acts of terror.
The pictures of airplanes flying into buildings, fires burning, huge structures collapsing, have filled us with disbelief, terrible sadness, and a quiet, unyielding anger. These acts of mass murder were intended to frighten our nation into chaos and retreat. But they have failed; our country is strong.
A great people has been moved to defend a great nation. Terrorist attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the foundation of America. These acts shattered steel, but they cannot dent the steel of American resolve.
America was targeted for attack because we’re the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will keep that light from shining.
Today, our nation saw evil, the very worst of human nature. And we responded with the best of America — with the daring of our rescue workers, with the caring for strangers and neighbours who came to give blood and help in any way they could.
Immediately following the first attack, I implemented our government’s emergency response plans. Our military is powerful, and it’s prepared. Our emergency teams are working in New York City and Washington, D.C. to help with local rescue efforts.
Our first priority is to get help to those who have been injured, and to take every precaution to protect our citizens at home and around the world from further attacks.
The functions of our government continue without interruption. Federal agencies in Washington which had to be evacuated today are reopening for essential personnel tonight, and will be open for business tomorrow. Our financial institutions remain strong, and the American economy will be open for business, as well.
The search is underway for those who are behind these evil acts. I’ve directed the full resources of our intelligence and law enforcement communities to find those responsible and to bring them to justice. We will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbour them.
I appreciate so very much the members of Congress who have joined me in strongly condemning these attacks. And on behalf of the American people, I thank the many world leaders who have called to offer their condolences and assistance.
America and our friends and allies join with all those who want peace and security in the world, and we stand together to win the war against terrorism. Tonight, I ask for your prayers for all those who grieve, for the children whose worlds have been shattered, for all whose sense of safety and security has been threatened. And I pray they will be comforted by a power greater than any of us, spoken through the ages in Psalm 23: «Even though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil, for You are with me.»
This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in our resolve for justice and peace. America has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time. None of us will ever forget this day. Yet, we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world.
«Freedom and democracy are under attack.»
Discurso desde la Cabinet Room, Wasington D.C. (12 de septiembre de 2001)
«I can hear you! I can hear you! The rest of the world hears you! And the people — and the people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon!»
Discurso con megáfono desde la Zona Cero, Nueva York (14 de septiembre de 2001)
Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there.
Thank you all. I want you all to know — it [bullhorn] can’t go any louder — I want you all to know that American today, American today is on bended knee, in prayer for the people whose lives were lost here, for the workers who work here, for the families who mourn. The nation stands with the good people of New York City and New Jersey and Connecticut as we mourn the loss of thousands of our citizens
Público: I can’t hear you!
I can hear you! I can hear you! The rest of the world hears you! And the people — and the people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon!
«Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there.»
Discurso a la sesión conjunta del Congreso, Washington D.C (20 de septiembre de 2001)
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President Pro Tempore, members of Congress, and fellow Americans:
In the normal course of events, Presidents come to this chamber to report on the state of the Union. Tonight, no such report is needed. It has already been delivered by the American people.
We have seen it in the courage of passengers, who rushed terrorists to save others on the ground — passengers like an exceptional man named Todd Beamer. And would you please help me to welcome his wife, Lisa Beamer, here tonight. We have seen the state of our Union in the endurance of rescuers, working past exhaustion. We’ve seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers — in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own. My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has seen for itself the state of our Union — and it is strong.
Tonight we are a country awakened to danger and called to defend freedom. Our grief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done. I thank the Congress for its leadership at such an important time. All of America was touched on the evening of the tragedy to see Republicans and Democrats joined together on the steps of this Capitol, singing «God Bless America.» And you did more than sing; you acted, by delivering 40 billion dollars to rebuild our communities and meet the needs of our military. Speaker Hastert, Minority Leader Gephardt, Majority Leader Daschle, and Senator Lott, I thank you for your friendship, for your leadership, and for your service to our country. And on behalf of the American people, I thank the world for its outpouring of support. America will never forget the sounds of our National Anthem playing at Buckingham Palace, on the streets of Paris, and at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate.
We will not forget South Korean children gathering to pray outside our embassy in Seoul, or the prayers of sympathy offered at a mosque in Cairo. We will not forget moments of silence and days of mourning in Australia and Africa and Latin America. Nor will we forget the citizens of 80 other nations who died with our own: dozens of Pakistanis; more than 130 Israelis; more than 250 citizens of India; men and women from El Salvador, Iran, Mexico, and Japan; and hundreds of British citizens. America has no truer friend than Great Britain. Once again, we are joined together in a great cause — so honored the British Prime Minister has crossed an ocean to show his unity with America. Thank you for coming, friend.
On September the 11th, enemies of freedom committed an act of war against our country. Americans have known wars — but for the past 136 years, they have been wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known the casualties of war — but not at the center of a great city on a peaceful morning. Americans have known surprise attacks — but never before on thousands of civilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single day — and night fell on a different world, a world where freedom itself is under attack. Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking: Who attacked our country?The evidence we have gathered all points to a collection of loosely affiliated terrorist organizations known as al Qaeda. They are some of the murderers indicted for bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, and responsible for bombing the USS Cole. Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia is to crime. But its goal is not making money; its goal is remaking the world — and imposing its radical beliefs on people everywhere.
The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics, a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam. The terrorists’ directive commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans, and make no distinctions among military and civilians, including women and children. This group and its leader — a person named Usama bin Laden — are linked to many other organizations in different countries, including the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. There are thousands of these terrorists in more than 60 countries. They are recruited from their own nations and neighborhoods and brought to camps in places like Afghanistan, where they are trained in the tactics of terror. They are sent back to their homes or sent to hide in countries around the world to plot evil and destruction.
The leadership of al Qaeda has great influence in Afghanistan and supports the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country. In Afghanistan, we see al Qaeda’s vision for the world. Afghanistan’s people have been brutalized; many are starving and many have fled. Women are not allowed to attend school. You can be jailed for owning a television. Religion can be practiced only as their leaders dictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if his beard is not long enough.
The United States respects the people of Afghanistan. After all, we are currently its largest source of humanitarian aid; but we condemn the Taliban regime. It is not only repressing its own people, it is threatening people everywhere by sponsoring and sheltering and supplying terrorists. By aiding and abetting murder, the Taliban regime is committing murder.
And tonight, the United States of America makes the following demands on the Taliban: Deliver to United States authorities all the leaders of al Qaeda who hide in your land. Release all foreign nationals, including American citizens, you have unjustly imprisoned. Protect foreign journalists, diplomats, and aid workers in your country. Close immediately and permanently every terrorist training camp in Afghanistan, and hand over every terrorist, and every person in their support structure, to appropriate authorities. Give the United States full access to terrorist training camps, so we can make sure they are no longer operating. These demands are not open to negotiation or discussion. The Taliban must act, and act immediately. They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate.
I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world. We respect your faith. It’s practiced freely by many millions of Americans, and by millions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that supports them. Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated.
Americans are asking, why do they hate us? They hate what they see right here in this chamber — a democratically elected government. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our freedoms — our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other. They want to overthrow existing governments in many Muslim countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. They want to drive Israel out of the Middle East. They want to drive Christians and Jews out of vast regions of Asia and Africa. These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life. With every atrocity, they hope that America grows fearful, retreating from the world and forsaking our friends. They stand against us, because we stand in their way.
We are not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen their kind before. They are the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the 20th century. By sacrificing human life to serve their radical visions — by abandoning every value except the will to power — they follow in the path of fascism, Nazism, and totalitarianism. And they will follow that path all the way, to where it ends: in history’s unmarked grave of discarded lies. Americans are asking: How will we fight and win this war? We will direct every resource at our command — every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence, and every necessary weapon of war — to the disruption and to the defeat of the global terror network.
Now this war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade ago, with a decisive liberation of territory and a swift conclusion. It will not look like the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground troops were used and not a single American was lost in combat. Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.
Our nation has been put on notice: We’re not immune from attack. We will take defensive measures against terrorism to protect Americans. Today, dozens of federal departments and agencies, as well as state and local governments, have responsibilities affecting homeland security. These efforts must be coordinated at the highest level. So tonight I announce the creation of a Cabinet-level position reporting directly to me — the Office of Homeland Security. And tonight I also announce a distinguished American to lead this effort, to strengthen American security: a military veteran, an effective governor, a true patriot, a trusted friend — Pennsylvania’s Tom Ridge. He will lead, oversee, and coordinate a comprehensive national strategy to safeguard our country against terrorism, and respond to any attacks that may come.
These measures are essential. But the only way to defeat terrorism as a threat to our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and destroy it where it grows. Many will be involved in this effort, from FBI agents to intelligence operatives to the reservists we have called to active duty. All deserve our thanks, and all have our prayers. And tonight, a few miles from the damaged Pentagon, I have a message for our military: Be ready. I’ve called the Armed Forces to alert, and there is a reason. The hour is coming when America will act, and you will make us proud. This is not, however, just America’s fight. And what is at stake is not just America’s freedom. This is the world’s fight. This is civilization’s fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.
We ask every nation to join us. We will ask, and we will need, the help of police forces, intelligence services, and banking systems around the world. The United States is grateful that many nations and many international organizations have already responded — with sympathy and with support. Nations from Latin America, to Asia, to Africa, to Europe, to the Islamic world. Perhaps the NATO Charter reflects best the attitude of the world: An attack on one is an attack on all. The civilized world is rallying to America’s side. They understand that if this terror goes unpunished, their own cities, their own citizens may be next. Terror, unanswered, can not only bring down buildings, it can threaten the stability of legitimate governments. And you know what? We’re not going to allow it.
Americans are asking: What is expected of us? I ask you to live your lives, and hug your children. I know many citizens have fears tonight, and I ask you to be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat. I ask you to uphold the values of America, and remember why so many have come here. We are in a fight for our principles, and our first responsibility is to live by them. No one should be singled out for unfair treatment or unkind words because of their ethnic background or religious faith. I ask you to continue to support the victims of this tragedy with your contributions. Those who want to give can go to a central source of information, libertyunites.org, to find the names of groups providing direct help in New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.
The thousands of FBI agents who are now at work in this investigation may need your cooperation, and I ask you to give it. I ask for your patience, with the delays and inconveniences that may accompany tighter security; and for your patience in what will be a long struggle. I ask your continued participation and confidence in the American economy. Terrorists attacked a symbol of American prosperity. They did not touch its source. America is successful because of the hard work, and creativity, and enterprise of our people. These were the true strengths of our economy before September 11th, and they are our strengths today. And, finally, please continue praying for the victims of terror and their families, for those in uniform, and for our great country. Prayer has comforted us in sorrow, and will help strengthen us for the journey ahead.
Tonight I thank my fellow Americans for what you have already done and for what you will do. And ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, I thank you, their representatives, for what you have already done and for what we will do together. Tonight, we face new and sudden national challenges. We will come together to improve air safety, to dramatically expand the number of air marshals on domestic flights, and take new measures to prevent hijacking. We will come together to promote stability and keep our airlines flying, with direct assistance during this emergency. We will come together to give law enforcement the additional tools it needs to track down terror here at home. We will come together to strengthen our intelligence capabilities to know the plans of terrorists before they act, and to find them before they strike.
We will come together to take active steps that strengthen America’s economy, and put our people back to work. Tonight we welcome two leaders who embody the extraordinary spirit of all New Yorkers: Governor George Pataki, and Mayor Rudolph Giuliani. As a symbol of America’s resolve, my administration will work with Congress, and these two leaders, to show the world that we will rebuild New York City.
After all that has just passed — all the lives taken, and all the possibilities and hopes that died with them — it is natural to wonder if America’s future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are struggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not be an age of terror; this will be an age of liberty, here and across the world.
Great harm has been done to us. We have suffered great loss. And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment. Freedom and fear are at war. The advance of human freedom — the great achievement of our time, and the great hope of every time — now depends on us. Our nation, this generation will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail.
It is my hope that in the months and years ahead, life will return almost to normal. We’ll go back to our lives and routines, and that is good. Even grief recedes with time and grace. But our resolve must not pass. Each of us will remember what happened that day, and to whom it happened. We’ll remember the moment the news came — where we were and what we were doing. Some will remember an image of a fire, or a story of rescue. Some will carry memories of a face and a voice gone forever.
And I will carry this: It is the police shield of a man named George Howard, who died at the World Trade Center trying to save others. It was given to me by his mom, Arlene, as a proud memorial to her son. This is my reminder of lives that ended, and a task that does not end. I will not forget this wound to our country or those who inflicted it. I will not yield; I will not rest; I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people. The course of this conflict is not known, yet its outcome is certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them.
Fellow citizens, we’ll meet violence with patient justice — assured of the rightness of our cause, and confident of the victories to come. In all that lies before us, may God grant us wisdom, and may He watch over the United States of America. Thank you.
Clausewitz, el estratega militar prusiano que es uno de los autores más citados y estudiados desde el mundo castrense a Wall Street, defendía que en la guerra es más difícil construir que destruir. Defender que atacar. El mejor ataque es, para el prusiano, la propia defensa. Por ello, aunque la política del miedo sea quizás más fácil de enarbolar –una cosa bien distinta es valorar su efectividad según los casos- la política en positivo precisa de más elementos para su éxito: el entorno, el mensaje y el candidato.
Antes de plantear una campaña electoral en tono positivo es necesario atender al contexto político, social y económico en el que se va a desarrollar la campaña. En momentos de crisis, con una corriente de pesimismo, se deben calibrar muy bien los pasos a dar para no ser percibido como un proyecto frívolo o alejado de la realidad. Las encuestas nos aportan información sobre el sentir de la sociedad: ¿son optimistas sobre su futuro? ¿Creen que el país necesita un cambio? ¿Creen que alguien puede solucionar sus problemas? La campaña del PP o antes la de CiU muestran esa reflexión.
Atendiendo a este contexto, el mensaje debe ser lo suficientemente alentador como para sintonizar con él. En general, la política en positivo suele construirse alrededor de conceptos como el cambio, el progreso, la prosperidad o la esperanza. Las apelaciones al futuro también tienen un espacio muy considerable.
De hecho, 7 de los 24 eslóganes usados por los candidatos a la presidencia de los Estados Unidos de ambos partidos han apelado a estos valores desde 1952 (como muestra Luntz en «Words that work: It ‘s not what you say, it’ s what people hear»). Del “A Leader, for a Change” de Jimmy Carter al “America needs a Change” de Mondale. Sin olvidar el famoso “Hope for the change we need” de Barack Obama. Obama supo dar significado a la palabra “Change” y la conjugó con un aliado inseparable “Hope”. Estos conceptos parecen ser talismanes, catalizadores de la voluntad existente, por ello es tan necesario saber leer bien el sentir general de la ciudadanía.
En España, ha sido tradicionalmente el PSOE quién ha hecho uso de este tipo de conceptos, incluso al plantear campañas de reelección. Si en 1982 González llegó a la presidencia con un escueto, pero lleno de significado “Por el cambio”, en 1989 llegó a defender “El cambio del cambio”. “La España en positivo” de 1996 o “Por el buen camino” de 1986 son otros ejemplos del uso de eslóganes en positivo que marcan esa concepción del modo de hacer campañas de los socialistas españoles.
La personalidad del candidato y las percepciones que genere son también esenciales para entender una política en positivo. Hay líderes que, bien por su experiencia personal y política o por su propia personalidad, tienden a evocar emociones negativas. Rajoy, con sus datos de baja valoración es ejemplo de ello. En cambio, algunos parecen dotados para desplegar al máximo esa política en positivo. No es extraño que a la vista de esto, los presidentes norteamericanos más recordados y admirados del siglo XX sean líderes que supieron inspirar a su generación y a las venideras con una mezcla casi perfecta de firmeza y esperanza. Teddy Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, John Fritzgerald Kennedy, Ronald Reagan o Bill Clinton supieron dar con un mensaje de cambio y esperanza en momentos difíciles, emocionando al electorado y con discursos positivos.
La idea de futuro, progreso y prosperidad es encarnada por estos líderes es el revulsivo de su mensaje. Franklin D. Roosevelt consiguió superar la peor crisis financiera del siglo XX con su New Deal cargado de esperanza –tal y cómo hemos visto, acuñó la famosa frase de “a lo único que debemos temer es al miedo”-. JFK puso una nueva frontera hacia el futuro. Reagan y Clinton supieron dar un empuje a la rica sociedad civil para renacer tras años de crisis en el liderazgo americano a nivel político y económico. Pero todos ellos supieron tender un puente al futuro. La política en positivo piensa en el futuro, no en el pasado, y supera los miedos y reticencias del presente. Felipe González fue uno de estos líderes, encarnando el cambio durante su presidencia y con constantes apelaciones al futuro. Así, durante la campaña de 1982 no dudó en cerrarla de este modo:
«Si hay un pasado que fue de ellos, el futuro es nuestro, de nuestra libertad consciente. El futuro es de la mayoría que quiere el cambio. Adelante. Conquistaremos el futuro en paz. Conquistaremos en libertad. Dejemos a nuestros hijos una España mejor, con el esfuerzo solidario de todos. Adelante y a ganar. España y el futuro es nuestro”.
En Génova saben que tienen el camino allanado para ese asalto a la presidencia del Gobierno. Precisamente por ello, el back to the basics es una apuesta segura. Poco arriesgada. No innova en los conceptos ni mucho menos en el eslogan, pero esa apuesta segura muestra el deseo de no querer hacer de la campaña un elemento de riesgo. La niña de Rajoy costó disgustos en su momento. El cambio empieza por no caer en errores pasados.